Posted: July 7th, 2014 | Author: Chris Berendes | Filed under: Civic engagement | No Comments »
What happens after a particular public engagement event ends?
Experienced practitioners spend much time understanding the context of of deliberation — interests, demographics, language sensitivities, and objective framing of the issues — and they bring this awareness and much else “into the room” to ensure that “collective voice” reasonably reflects every participant.
But how well and how often is that collective voice heard outside the room, as the wider process continues? Public engagement is, generally, one milestone, and not the final one, in a longer process that may include a council vote, a commission hearing, an executive signature or veto, a referendum, or political maneuvering.
What would it take to ensure “the room”‘s collective voice, developed so carefully, continues to be heard?
Lessons from the House
The US Capitol, just up the street from where I live and work, provides us with some suggestions. Consider a legislative measure that originates in the US House of Representatives. Savvy congresswomen and -men will, in shaping the legislation, consider what it will take for the bill to be passed by the US Senate and then signed by the President.
The House may take a more extreme position in order to gain bargaining leverage. It may package together seemingly unrelated measures in a single Bill to force Senate and Presidential approval, e.g. by adding “widows and orphans funding” to a controversial measure, to raise the cost to a Senator who might otherwise vote against the measure or the President considering a veto.
In addition to negotiation tactics, the House has structural means to ensure that its collective voice is heard: if the Senate modifies a bill, the House must pass those modifications before the final bill goes to the President. Further, the House — and, similarly, the Senate — has influence even after the bill has passed into law. It can affect implementation by adding or withholding funding and by holding hearings and of course, ultimately, by passing new legislation.
Three suggestions for public engagement practitioners
There are at least three ways in which an awareness of and then what? can inform public engagement.
Practitioners ought to explore the realities of the wider context: What comes after the public engagement process and how does that affect the likelihood that the “collective voice of the room” will be heard? And the results of these explorations should be shared with participants.
Practitioners and participants should think more strategically about how the collective voice is expressed. Just as the House may shape a bill not just to reflect its collective voice but also to strengthen the hand of its negotiators in their discussions with the Senate and with the President, we should think more carefully about who might speak and act against the collective voice “outside” the room and how that might be countered.
Transform the broader context.
What if practitioners included a follow-up survey to be taken of all participants, one year after public engagement has ended, to assess participants’ opinions of whether their collective voice was heeded as the larger process progressed? What if a public engagement process included a review of past processes and what happened with their recommendations, rather than starting in a kind of vacuum? What other measures could we recommend to government officials and to the public to “strengthen the hand” of public engagement?
Of course, there are already wise public engagement practitioners who show how some of these suggestions can be addressed in practice.
IAP2′s spectrum of participation (Inform -> Consult -> Involve -> Collaborate -> Empower) allows practitioners, government, and the public to locate a particular process in a wider context and be clear about how much or how little impact participants should expect to have.
NCDD’s engagement streams framework similarly distinguishes between Exploration, Conflict Transformation, Decision Making, and Collaborative Action as the primary purpose of a public engagement process.
AmericaSpeaks’s 21st Century Town Hall planning always included careful thinking about “linking to decision makers” — one strategy to give the collective voice more impact. And the scope and spectacle of larger town halls was in part intended to transform the context by giving the event and its results more impact politically.
(I acknowledge that the public currently disapproves of the House and, indeed the Senate and the President. But the Constitutional structures and legislative strategies touched on above have been in place for more than a century and long pre-date current dissatisfactions.)
Posted: November 15th, 2013 | Author: Chris Berendes | Filed under: Business development, Civic engagement, The business of public engagement | No Comments »
Listen, carefully, so that the challenge may tell you how to meet it.
Politicos object to public engagement
Last week, in an email thread [parts 11>, 2, 3], a group of Dialogue and Deliberation practitioners and friends explored some of the barriers they have encountered in attempting to provide public engagement services to government agencies. Among them:
- Officials resist giving up power, in the case at hand, and more generally – if, say, the public discovered that much could be accomplished without the mediation of politicos.
- Officials fear that citizens lack the expertise officials take to be the key if not the only ingredient in sound policy making.
As one person wrote “Officials, directly or indirectly, must still respond to the whole body of voters at election time. If they base their decisions on a small, arguably unrepresentative set of ‘advisers,’ that may not set well with voters.”
The discussion concluded with a thumping affirmation of the power and effectiveness of public engagement, a lament — “We get little chance to do what we do magnificently to any substantive degree” thus “On the average everything in public engagement is getting worse and worse”– and a prophetic call for action:”What can we do about these things?”
I agree – don’t blame the practitioners, the people who put expertise, sensitvity, and experience into the design and implementation of processes that can work so well for participants.
Fine, but these obstacles remain. What to do?
Why? Let’s find out
Insist that the people responsible for business development — for building the bridges between practitioners and government officials — invest similar expertise, sensitivy, and experience into understanding and then addressing the concerns of those officials.
They can begin by finding the legitimate core of each of the issues raised above.
- POWER – A WAY TO GET THINGS DONE
- The public holds an elected leader accountable for a wide range of circumstances, many of which are outside of her control, e.g. winter storms, the economic policies of her predecessor, the actions of other jurisdictions. Reducing her power subjects her and, in turn her constituents, to these forces.
Worse, power is a fleeting thing, an odd amalgam of law, custom, and perception. Ask any President moving toward the middle of his second term about the challenges of staving off the powerlessness of “lame duck” status.
- EXPERTISE – ACCOMMODATING THE BROADER CONSTRAINTS
- The will of the people must often be reconciled with an array of constraints. Good policy on, for instance, healthcare and health insurance should be consistent with medical science, the psychology of incentives, economics, and demographics, among other disciplines.
Yet it’s unlikely that the public is versed in these matters. Indeed, people often have a weak grasp of key facts on even hotly debated issues. Recently, a late night entertainer showed how the man (and woman) in the street dismisses “Obamacare” as too invasive and expensive, then, seconds later, embraces “the Affordable Care Act” (the very same legislation under its original name) as a more reasonable alternative.
- ELECTIONS – MAINTAINING LEGITIMACY
- This concern may be illusory. A little digging suggests that voters often look favorably on public engagement. Chicago Alderman Joe Moore is in a stronger position, politically, for his enthusiastic sponsorship of participatory budgeting. Jay Williams, a planner deeply involved in Ohio’s *Youngstown 2010* effort, used his success there as a platform for a successful mayoral campaign.
So, in the narrow, this may be a misperception — either of the concerns of elected officials or a misperception of risks by elected officials.
However, ensuring that public engagement work is legitimate and is perceived to be legitimate is a plausible concern. The number of people involved in a regional public engagement effort are generally smaller, often by one or more orders of magnitude, than the number of voters in a region.
Apply the remedies we already know
Recasting these objections points to some remedies already at hand. As the prophet mentioned above wrote:”We know how to do public engagement better than anyone, ever has known how to do it.” For instance:
- POWER – PUBLIC ENGAGEMENT GETS THINGS DONE
- In the context of effective public engagement, political officials often gain sigificant “implementation power” by ceding a little decision-making power. There’s a little more discussion at the front-end of a process, but then the bridge gets built, the teachers get hired, or the social injustice is corrected.
- EXPERTISE – PUBLIC ENGAGEMENT ALIGNS CIVIC VALUES WITH RELEVANT CONSTRAINTS
- As the IAP2 spectrum (PDF) shows, it’s possible to design a public engagement process so that it conforms to external constraints. E.g. we don’t brainstorm to determine whether a bridge is sound from an engineering perspective.
More powerfully, public engagement processes can bring acknowledged constraints into a process by educating participants about them. Issue guides can be designed to bring participants up to speed quickly on matters of law and fact, and interactive games can be designed to take those constraints into account.
Most powerfully, an elected official can in effect turn the problem, constraints and all, over to a public engagement process. E.g., the city manager of Redwood City, CA turned over a water conservation mandate to a panel of residents who strongly opposed the city’s initial solution, telling them that if they could meet the state’s mandates in another way, and come in within budget, Redwood City would act on their alternative. The panel came up with a better plan, which was implemented harmoniously.
- ELECTIONS – PUBLIC ENGAGEMENT AS A COMPONENT IN LEGITIMATE DECISION-MAKING
- In those cases where a politician correctly perceives a conflict between re-election and public engagement, there are concrete ways to proceed .
Comprehensive outreach at the beginning of a public engagement process strengthens its legitimacy, by bringing traditionally underrepresented groups to the table, and more closely mirroring the composition of the body politic.
Incorporating traditional electoral measures at the end of a public engagement process creates even broader legitimacy. E.g. the residents of Owensboro, KY began a regional planning process with an AmericaSpeaks 21st Century Town Meeting to set design goals for a revitalized downtown, and then city and county legislative bodies endorsed the decision by voting for tax increases to fund the plan.
And keep listening
Even as they participate in public engagement processes on a particular issue, public officials are following the will of the people on a much broader set of issues, threading multiple needles dictated by science, law, and history, and, often, worrying about the next election.
Business developers, working in support of public engagement practitioners, must work with public officials to understand this wider context, then translate the resulting requirements so that practitioners can apply their vast skills and experience. Those practitioners have already proved their ability to bridge a vast set of gaps to bring people as constituents into public engagement processes.
And public officials are people, too.
Posted: April 26th, 2012 | Author: Chris Berendes | Filed under: Civic engagement, Open Government, Technology, Transparency | 1 Comment »
Is that all there is?
You’ve landed on a Whitehouse.gov petition on an issue that’s close to your heart, and you’re thrilled that’s it’s finally getting some visibility. Of course, you sign the petition, but then you wonder Who are these people? What else can I do? How can I get plugged in?. In way too many cases, the people who started the petition leave you to your wits, and of course to the Google. It’s like a 3am infomercial without the 800-number. What were they thinking?
My inspiration and goad to build tools for the White House “We the People” petition site was the story of an activist who had, in effect, lost her work gathering signatures when she failed to reach the necessary threshold after a month of work.
Along the way, I wondered how often petition initiators added links to their petition text, to provide more information to potential signers or to supplement their work on whitehouse.gov by building a community on a site that gave them more control.
“We The People”-scope
To investigate, I’ve built a live, interactive database of petitions currently visible and open for signatures at the White House. How well are petitioneers using WhiteHouse.gov traffic and visibility to build activist communities? The results aren’t pretty.
90% of the time, you’re on your own
Of the 39 petitions open for signatures this morning, only four include links:
- a request for funding of an MIT anti-viral drug links to a press release providing further information
- a call for legislation implementing various economic and legal reforms (NESARA) links to an activist website and to a religious/New Age Ning community
- a call for increased funding for NASA includes a reference to a website for that issue campaign, and
- a request that the Administration veto any legislation that extends tax cuts for the highest earners includes a reference to MoveOn.Org.
None of the links (actually in plain text, since the petition site doesn’t allow hot links) make it easy to plug in to community. The NASA funding campaign website is focussed and includes further calls to action, but does not provide a community forum or a mailing list sign-up. The NESARA-related websites provide a wealth of information and, via Ning, a community. However, I could not see how I might easily connect with other supporters of the linked petition. MoveOn.org is a major activist community, but nothing on its home page references the current tax-related petition.
So, of 39 petitions, only three provide links that would allow a signer to tap into a larger community, discuss the petition, and monitor progress, and even those three links are muddy.
What if, instead, a petition linked to a well-designed landing page that encouraged people to sign up to track the progress of the petition, support the cause via other actions, and connect with fellow activists. It’s a missed opportunity.
And there’s more!
(The petition overview can be filtered and sorted in many different ways. For instance, you can highlight the backlog of petitions that have met their signature goal but don’t yet have an official Administration response, or focus just on the petitions for civil liberties, human rights, or immigration issues – almost half of the total currently open.)
Posted: March 1st, 2012 | Author: Chris Berendes | Filed under: Civic engagement, Open Government, Technology, Transparency | 4 Comments »
Last week, I used a trial run of a new “petition scraping” plugin I’ve developed to see which states most strongly supported the recent White House petition that requested the Administration to rescind the health care reform contraception mandate for Catholic employers.
Today, I can add a second, opposing petition to the analysis. It urged the Administration to “stand strong” on the no cost birth control requirement. From what I’ve seen on the petition site, this is unusual – some petitions garner few signatures, but very few petitions are arranged in pro/con pairs. We can take advantage of this “natural experiment” to compare state responses on either side of the issue. (Signature data for the “Stand strong” petition can be downloaded at the csv link below.)
Nebraska, North Dakota, Kansas Against; DC Engaged
The outliers, highlighted in red in the chart, are the story.
Kansas, North Dakota, and Nebraska – in the bottom right – showed significantly stronger support for the Rescind petition, at 309, 367, and 487 signatures per million, than the national average of 117. In contrast, their support for Stand Strong was fairly close to the national average of 89 per million – they’re well within the “cluster” on the left axis.
Something even more interesting is going on in DC. At 509 signatures per million, it is the standout supporter for Stand Strong. But notice that, at 229 signatures per million, it looks a lot like Kansas, North Dakota, and Nebraska in per capita support for Rescind. (I’d guess that DC’s intensity reflects the pro-contraception response by longterm residents combined with combined with the response from advocacy groups on both sides.)
This table provides the details for the chart above:
Download as csv file (4k).
The animated map shows how signatures flowed from each state, normalized by its population, with the petition “closing” on February 10. Click on the slider to see how each state contributed signatures starting on February 3.
In many respects, signers responded similarly to both petitions:
|Days to reach 500 signatures (visibility threshold)
|Days to reach 50 states and DC
|Percent of signers not providing a place
Download the “Stand strong” signature details as a csv file (660k).
See the previous post in the series for details on the Rescind petition and more information on the mechanics of petitions and signatures at whitehouse.gov.
A note on statistics
Some of the variation of a particular state’s response with respect to the US will be due to chance, rather than a fundamental difference in this state’s political leanings vs the US. For instance, weather patterns or state preoccupation with a sports event might have reduced Mississippi’s engagement; it might generate more signatures per capita on similar petitions at another time.
Statisticians measure how much an indicator departs from the average in standard deviations. The standard deviation captures the variability of a set of numbers. In the case of the petition signatures, if the response of a particular state differed from the US average by less than two standard deviations, e.g. Mississippi, this could occur by chance more than 5% of the time.
The bottom left quadrant contains all the states within two standard deviations of the US average.
The remaining three states and DC are outliers indeed. On the Rescind petition, Kansas’s response is more than two, North Dakota’s almost three, and Nebraska’s more than four standard deviations above the US average. This would occur by chance less than 5%, 0.3%, and 0.007% of the time — i.e., from rarely to never. DC’s response to Stand Strong is 5.7 standard deviations away from the mean, which would occur 0.00001% of the time by chance.
The outliers, in other words, are radically more engaged in these respective petitions than the rest of the country.
Posted: February 23rd, 2012 | Author: Chris Berendes | Filed under: Civic engagement, Open Government, Technology, Transparency | 2 Comments »
Open government often carries a significant risk to activists: organizing efforts may be “locked up” by Federal agencies, even with the best intentions.
The rewards, and risks, of squirreling away
Consider Terra Ziporyn Snider. Last fall, she initiated a petition on the White House website requesting changes in school start times. Then current White House rules required that she gather 5000 signatures within 30 days in order to keep the petition on the site. She and her supporters encountered various technical problems – intermittent site outages, difficulty in signing up new users — and as the deadline approached, with 1575 signatures recorded, Dr. Snider realized that the fruit of her efforts was about to be digitally vanished, per White House rules.
I was taken by the lengths she went to transplant the list of names she had built at the White House to Move-On. Though these signatures had been gathered through her online organizing efforts, and of course were stored on a hard drive somewhere in the whitehouse.gov domain, she had no way to access these data easily. Instead, she printed out the petition and, apparently, retyped the signatures by hand.
Imagine a New England squirrel storing away nuts for next winter in the trunk of a tourist’s car – it’s secure today, tomorrow, and perhaps even next week, but when the snow comes, the car — and the nuts — are in Florida, and the squirrel starves.
Of course, in the case of White House petitions, the potential of reaching a wider audience for your cause and of getting the attention of the Obama administration may make this risk worthwhile.
But, as Dr. Snider found, sometimes the car drives away, and you’ve got to scramble not to be left empty-handed. How could one reduce the risk, particularly for activists who don’t know or don’t have access to sites live Move-On?
A tool for liberating signatures
Her story was my inspiration to build a page scraping toolset that would allow activists to get the benefits of White House web petitions, while reducing the risk.
As a proof of concept, I set the plugin to work on two recent petitions. The first requests that the Administration rescind regulations mandating that religious institutions provide contraceptive coverage under their employee health insurance plans, even if this is contrary to their religious precepts. The second urges the Administration to “stand strong” in maintaining this mandate.
In this post, I’ll focus on the signature data from the “Rescind” petition. A follow-up post will provide details on the “Stand strong” petition signatures. [Update 3/2/2012: I've posted the "Stand strong" results and a state by state comparison.}
If you're familiar with the mechanics of the White House petition site, skip to the next section for the results.
The mechanics of initiating and signing petitions
Anyone may initiate a petition. Per the rules currently in force, new petitions are visible only to those web visitors who already know the specific petition URL. Once a petition receives its 150th signature, it is listed by the White House in the index of current petitions and can be found by appropriate search terms.
The initiator and all other petition supporters then have 30 days to gather at least 25000 signatures in total. If they fail to reach that threshold within 30 days, the petition disappears, as Dr Snider experienced. If 25000 people "sign" the petition, the White House promises to post a response.
A WhiteHouse.gov login is required to sign a petition. To get a login, you provide your email address, your name, and, optionally, city, state and zipcode. Each petition signature block includes the first name and last initial, the signature's order in the overall total, the date the signature was provided, and the city and state of the signer, if provided. For instance:
February 22, 2012
Signature # 1,079
Example: Signature data from the "Rescind" petition
From January 28 through February 10, the Rescind petition gathered 29,127 signatures. The inset below displays the raw data gathered by the page scraping toolset, which can also be downloaded by the link at the bottom of the table.
This animated map shows how the signatures flowed in from January 28 to February 10, normalized by the population of each state.
data for the Rescind petition
Download as csv file (1.1 mb).
More detailed analysis shows
- that the petition took off pretty quickly – two signatures on day one, 32 on day two, 1,386 on day three (reaching all fifty states and DC)
- that state participation varied dramatically: Nebraska provided more than 480 signatures per million residents, North Dakota more than 360, while Mississippi provided just 31 signatures per million inhabitants. (Overall, across the US, 127 signatures were provided per million residents, if we assume that all signatures came from the United States.)
- 4,951 signatures were provided by people who did not state their location — which shows up as NULL in the data.
Next post: How does the signature flow for the “stand strong” petition compare? What surprises do we find when we compare states’ activity on these two opposing petitions? Are these signers as reluctant to provide place information as the Rescind signers?
A postscript for data geeks
- Each signature is numbered. The same sequence number may appear multiple times on the signatures page, indicating, presumably, two or more different people who signed almost simultaneously. For instance, if the third, fourth, and fifth signers all acted simultaneously, the first six signatures would be numbered 1, 2,3,3,3,6.
- One Rescind signer was particularly eager: he signed twice in quick succession, so his name and place show up twice in a row with the same sequence number. This anomaly can’t be tracked by the software currently, leading to a database count of 29,126 signatures, one less than shown on the White House site.
- In addition to the “no location” signatures, 28 people provided place information for military post offices or mistyped their place information.
- The scraping tool captures the first name and initial of the signer as shown on the petition, but I’ve omitted this column from the download for the moment.
Posted: September 18th, 2010 | Author: Chris Berendes | Filed under: Civic engagement, crowdsourcing, Open Government | 1 Comment »
When I venture into new arenas – social media, crowdsourcing, online engagement - I’m fed by discussions with people who are doing this work. But, too often, the conversation gets bogged down by arguments about definitions.
For instance, in a chat about crowdsourcing recently, someone offered online commenting on government regulations as an example, then someone else – it might have been me – almost derailed the conversation by asking whether commenting really counted as “crowdsourcing”.
The problem: the person who’s just run a rule-making process that received thousands of comments knows what she did, how participants responded, what seemed to work, what fell short. But she – and all the rest of us – are clueless about whether this really is crowdsourcing.
In general: when we’re describing an experience or process we’ve experienced, we know what we’re talking about. But when we debate whether this experience is an example of crowdsourcing, we don’t.
Bold claim on my part, I know. And, one day, we’ll be able to agree, quickly, on whether my friend’s process was crowdsourcing, or collective intelligence, or prediction markets, crowd-storming, or peer production or something else entirely.
Why? We’ll, collectively, have more experience, and we’ll have come to (some) agreement on who the authorities are, and there’ll be some benefit to the definitions.
But today we’re still groping, learning what’s been done, identifying new combinations that haven’t yet been tried but look promising.
In effect, we’re crowdsourcing the definition of “crowdsourcing”
(And if you’re thinking that this advice applies to discussion about “social media”, “Gov2.0″, and “online engagement” as well, you’ve got my point exactly.)
Posted: May 3rd, 2010 | Author: Chris Berendes | Filed under: Civic engagement, Metrics | 3 Comments »
Start with “how do I know it’s working?”, not “what can I count?”
E-democracy.org has 16 years of experience in creating and hosting online civic forums via email and the web.
I participated in an email thread there recently that began with this question:
“How would you measure engagement on public issues via interaction in online spaces?”
It led to a lively exchange, but it left me unsatisfied. “Measure” and “metrics” create a kind of tunnel vision, focusing attention on what’s easy to count on the web (hits, number of posts per day, number of posters, pageviews, unique visitors), and away from our understanding and experience of online forums.
As it happens, Steve Clift, the founder of e-democracy, recently reported the results of a grant to create four online forums centered on a number of towns in rural Minnesota.
The report discussed a number of ways that forum discussions had affected their communities:
- A discussion about new regulations regarding the handling of household wastewater led the county’s director of planning to reconsider regulatory language.
- Discussions in a second forum generated stories in the local newspaper.
- Participants used a third forum to get advice on how to fight the city’s withdrawal of their permit to raise chickens in their backyard.
- Participants in another e-democracy forum, not covered in this report, used it to organize their response, including meetings with city officials, to a mugging near a transit stop. The transit agency’s community outreach staffer joined the forum, and then the discussion, based on their actions. The president of the local neighbors group participated as well.
- The report also noted that local government websites had linked to some of the forums and, in one case, the local government had sponsored the start-up of the forum.
These stories suggest a variety of measures that could be applied to e-democracy forums:
- How many local government officials are forum members? What percentage of all local government officials are members?
- How many of these post, and how often do they post? How many of these posts reflect concrete changes in behavior (meetings scheduled, agenda items added or changed for official meetings, changes to legislation or regulation)?
- How many discussions have been used to organize meetings in the community or with government officials?
- How many discussions have received links from local or regional newspaper websites?
These measures all need development, and we could likely find booby traps in each. But consider the conclusion of two (hypothetical) reports on community impact of a (hypothetical) forum in Smallville:
Based on web metrics
The forum received 500 pageviews from 200 unique visitors per month.
It had a membership of 128 at the end of the year.
The average length of a visit was 3.5 minutes.
The average visit includes 4 pageviews.
Based on “grow your own” measures drawn from these stories
Two of the five members of the city council became members of the Issues Forum. One joined after a discussion of the city’s response to last winter’s monstrous snowfalls erupted in the forum and led to a delegation of forum members testifying before the council about ineffective snow plowing.
One councilperson posts at least once a week. Three times over the course of the past year, she has responded to questions in the forum or asked for further information. She also introduced an amendment to a local zoning ordinance based on concerns raised in the forum.
A dozen forum members from Smallville South used the forum to organize a meeting with the transportation department to discuss the pothole problem on local streets. They are using the forum to follow-up on the meeting, and an official from the transportation department posts updates on actions taken relating to potholes at least once a month.
The Smallville Gazette has used the forum to solicit feedback on its coverage of the city council.
On average, one out of four of its weekly online issues include a link to one or more Forum discussions.
Which would be more likely to persuade you that Smallville’s online forum had actively engaged the community?
Posted: October 30th, 2009 | Author: Chris Berendes | Filed under: Civic engagement, Government, Social networking, Technology | Tags: linkedin | 2 Comments »
Don’t ask “how do I make the business case for Gov2.0?”; tell us about your agency’s relationships, and the case will become obvious.
Imagine that you’re a savvy Federal staffer in US Defense Military Health System Program. You’re excited by what the US Patent Office accomplished with its Peer to Patent program, eager to copy the success of Twestival 2008 which used Twitter to kick off events in 200 cities across the globe and raise $250,000 for water charities, and inspired by OSTP’s open government initiatives. So on Govloop, or on your blog, you pose the question: “what’s the business case for Gov2.0 (or social media or Web2.0 or Twitter)?”
and … crickets – a kiss of death for the conversation. You may get some well-meaning feedback from others who have confronted the same challenge, but the thread runs out pretty quickly. It seems that no on can help you.
What happened? You’ve focused your readers towards technology (Twitter? Youtube? Maybe a wiki?) and generalities (“communication is good”; “crowdsourcing rocks!”), and away from the relationships, mission, history, and other specifics of your organization that would give you and your readers the raw materials to create the business case.
Worse, we’ve all become distracted from your unique role in this conversation: you know the agency’s goals, its current challenges, what keeps senior management awake at night, what appropriations they’re looking forward to, and what headlines they’re dreading. You know that, or ought to. The rest of us don’t.
So, consider, instead, this conversation opener:
I work for the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Health Affairs. As you may remember, one of my boss’s predecessors was featured in the Washington Post’s 2007 expose of poor conditions at Walter Reed Army Medical Center, and we’re still working to rebuild trust with injured soldiers and their families. We’re also trying to strengthen our relationships with medical researchers. And, by the way, we run TRICARE, the military’s HMO, and we’re working hard to keep the program affordable, with low deductibles and co-pays. What Web2.0 tools would be useful to us and how should we measure results?***
Imagine the roaring conversation this would inspire:
- Your readers from the Centers for Disease Control, the Department of Veterans Affairs, and the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services will be typing their suggestions before they’ve finished reading your post.
- Someone might point you in the direction of OrganizedWisdom — an aggregator of health expertise — and suggest that you to explore how you can engage your customers in becoming guides to military health issues
- The success of PatientsLikeMe will be mentioned as a model for supporting the wounded warriors you serve.
- Someone else might point you to Healing in Community Online, a sort of Second Life for patients and their families.
The question of metrics would become easier as well: TRICARE already surveys its beneficiaries regularly to determine how they perceive the accessibility and quality of care (and if you didn’t already know that, rest assured someone would tell you). Surely you could work some questions into that to evaluate your Gov2.0 initiative?
Now, with your help, your readers are brainstorming how your agency can accomplish its mission and deal with its challenges.
So, tell us about your agency’s key relationships, inside and outside government, and the ones that are most troubled, and watch the conversation explode.
(***Background on USDOD – Health Affairs is drawn from NAPA’s description of top “prune” jobs in the Federal Government. It might be an eye-opening exercise to review the other positions listed and brainstorm how Gov2.0 could, specifically, help each of these appointees.)
(Cross-posted from Govloop.)
Posted: October 13th, 2009 | Author: Chris Berendes | Filed under: Civic engagement, Ethics, Transparency | Tags: lawrence_lessig, linkedin | 1 Comment »
Lawrence Lessig’s recent “Against Transparency: The perils of openness in government” in the New Republic, has generated controversy and comment, in part because it has been misread as an argument that information on political and financial influence should be restricted rather than released.
This post summarizes the parts of his article that pertain to the current government transparency movement and his cautions, criticisms, and remedies. Later posts will summarize some reactions from Carl Malamud, Ellen Miller of the Sunlight Foundation, and others, and then offer my take.
Focus: “Anti-corruption transparency”, which …
Lessig is concerned with one one specific kind of transparency: projects intended to reveal improper influence or outright corruption, e.g. by correlating incentives provided to legislators, such as campaign contributions, with the their votes.
Transparency is good when information is provided in usable form to those who are able to use it wisely, e.g. the miles per gallon ratings which guide individuals as they buy automobiles. Consumers can benefit from “mpg transparency” without much effort.
… misleads us because we don’t pay enough attention.
In contrast, benefitting from what one might term “anti-corruption transparency” requires a long attention span.
But people, often quite rationally, limit the attention they devote to interpreting information. Indeed, politics has become the art of exploiting short attention spans, “tagging your opponent with barbs that no one has time to understand, let alone analyze”.
So, in too many cases, we jump to the conclusion that money has bought a vote…
Unfortunately, what others call “connecting the dots” is the path of least resistance.. For instance, a journalist or an opponent highlights that First Lady Clinton opposed the Bankruptcy Bill in 2000, that soon to be Senator Clinton received $140,000 in campaign contributions from credit card and financial services firms later that year, and that she voted for the bill in 2001. Although there are many reasons why she might have switched her position, “[e]veryone … ‘knows’ just why she switched, don’t they?” We connect the dots.
Lessig argues, in contrast, that “[a]ll the data in the world will not tell us whether a particular contribution bent a result by securing a vote … that otherwise would not have occurred.”
Anti-corruption transparency is problematic because of “its structural insinuations–its constant suggestions of a sin that is present sometimes but not always”.
… and become cynical about government, and that’s bad.
It is already the “opinion of the vast majority of the American people, [that Congress] sells its results to the highest bidder”, and anti-corruption transparency, “unqualified or unrestrained by other considerations”, will just make this worse. He wants to to reduce this cynicism.
But this transparency can’t be stopped.
But we will not find the answer to our problems in a Luddite counterattack: “The network is not going away…. [T]ransparency is here to stay–indeed, … it will become ever more lasting and ever more clear….”
Instead, let’s restructure campaign finance.
Instead, the solution is “[a] system of publicly funded elections [which] would make it impossible to suggest that the reason some member of Congress voted the way he voted was because of money…”. “Qualified candidates” would be provided with a publicly funded “grubstake”, then permitted to raise additional funds from citizens up to a low cap. $100 per person per cycle.
This will increase people’s trust in Congress “by establishing a system in which no one could believe that money was buying results”.
See also these noteworthy reactions from around the web:
Posted: September 25th, 2009 | Author: Chris Berendes | Filed under: Civic engagement, Social networking | Tags: linkedin | No Comments »
What was good.
Returned earlier today from a useful Twitter 101 session hosted by CAP’s Alan Rosenblatt at the Internet Advocacy Roundtable. It was great. The next one could be even better, if we could learn more about what the presenters knew in their bones (see bottom).
Like many discussions on how to get started with social media, the conversation bounced around.
Tech: twazzup, übertwitter for blackberry , and hootsuite were new to me and look interesting. Much more on Twtter resources here, courtesy of Shaun Dakin.
Stories: AAUW is drawn out of silent lurkerdom when they respond to a tweet from a disappointed soon to be ex-member who has misinterpreted a local chapter’s action; conversation results, the member is mollified and AAUW managers see the value. Dakin’s carefully nurtured network of robocall sleuths identifies the first (known) robo-sex-call one night, and the next day, the news hits the Rachel Maddow show.(I realized Dakin is, in effect, the real-time web’s ombudsperson for robocalls. )
Tips: Twitter is a tool, not a strategy. When you start, decide what your voice is going to be. Keep your twitter stream focused – eclectic is ok, but beware that if you veer from months of all business to throwing in your sports enthusiasms, you’ll lose followers. (Via @epolitics) Why would you want to hear only from people who agree with you? (Via @digitalsista)
Get senior manager’s buy-in by getting him/her on the rostrum for a new media conference, and let the infectious energy work its magic (Via @GloPan)
Conservatives tend to cluster around a few hashtags, e.g. #tcot, while progressives tend to use specific hashtags for specific issues. (This seems important, perhaps because it demonstrates degree of focus.) (Via @digitalsista)
Effectiveness requires listening, which amounts to research, and it’s hard, time consuming work. (Via @henrim)
What would have made today’s session even better?
One of the presenters crystallized this for me when he insisted that the social – non-technical – aspects of using twitter could only be discovered in practice, not taught, and that it was more art than science. But there are more than a few art schools, and though you can’t teach inspiration, you can teach craft.
I suspect that today’s presenters (and more than a few audience members) knew in their bones more than they could say about how to do it well. These questions might have helped:
- How do you insert yourself in conversations and get heard?
- What are your rules of thumb for getting started on a new campaign?
- When you “listen” to Twitter, how do you do it, what do you listen for, and when and how do you respond?
- When you’ve “fallen off the horse” in your use of Twitter, how do you get back on?
I’m sure that the presenters did their best to tell us all they knew how to say, but I doubt they told us all they knew how to do. I’m hungry for more.